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Armin, Charles (audio interview #1 of 1)
INTERVIEW DESCRIPTION - Armin's interview was conducted in the Long Beach apartment he shared with his sister. The interviewer was the daughter of a member of the union that employed Armin. Although retired, Armin was well spoken and in command of the material he discussed. At the time of the interview, he was still attending meetings to help the union train potential leaders and plan strategy. 1/20/1983
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- *** File: lhowcarmin1.mp3 Audio Segments and Topics: (0:00-3:29)... Brief introduction. The interview begins with Armen introducing his sister, Francis. Armen was born in Zillah, Washington, where his father owned an orchard with apple and other fruit trees. When he was young, the family moved to Iroquois, South Dakota and his father opened a lumber business. There was an agricultural depression and since the area was dependent upon the prosperity of farming, times were tough. When he finished his junior year of high school, his family moved to California to provide his siblings with a college education. He attended high school in Santa Monica while his brother and sister enrolled in junior college. California was one of the few states that offered an inexpensive junior college education. (3:29-6:18)... South Dakota, when he was growing up, was predominantly Republican. He didn't know much about trade unions and, as the son of a small business owner, he opposed them. Most union members that he knew about worked on the railroad. He had heard a little about the CIO and John L. Lewis of the mine workers union. (6:18-11:57)... After finishing high school in California, he enrolled in a denominational college in Huron, South Dakota with aspirations of becoming a chemical engineer. After two years in college, the Depression struck and he had to drop out. The Depression followed a seven-year drought in South Dakota and they exacerbated each other. It seemed as if the only cash in the state at the time came from the New Deal. Between 1936 and 1939, he found a job teaching grades 1 through 8 in a one room school. He continued his education in summer school. Although he earned $50 a month, he was paid in state "warrants" which banks discounted 10 percent when they were cashed. The school was a mile north of an Indian reservation but only one Indian student attended. He tried to persuade the county to raise teachers' pay. (11:57-15:16)... During a summer break from teaching, he visited his parents in California and decided to attend business college there. He studied typing, shorthand, bookkeeping, and switchboard operation. His typing teacher's brother worked at E. B. Hall and Company, the operators of the Union Pacific oil lease in Long Beach harbor, and when he learned an office position was open there, he applied and was hired. He began working the night shift from midnight until 8 a.m. and earned $116 a month for typing and operating the switchboard. He was earning $50 a month more than he had as a teacher. and he decided to stay with the company instead of returning to his teaching position in South Dakota. While working for EBB. Hall he learned about labor management relations. Later, in 1943, he quit to go to work for the union of which he was a member, the Oil Workers International Union (OWIU). At that time, OWIU was organizing workers in the fields, but not in offices. (15:16-21:15)... While working for E. B. Hall, he discovered that wage increases were rare; workers had to fight hard for them. As WWII approached, the government wanted to prevent inflation which had been a problem during WWI. So it established a criteria under which wages might, but were not required to, be raised. Under this plan, Hall offered its 9 office employees the option of a 9 cents a hour raise or an increase in the number of hours they worked each week from 36 to 40; both plans promised a raise in weekly income. Armen voted to accept the raise rather than simply working more hours to earn more. Seven other office workers voted for the increase in hours. Armen began trying to organize workers in the office to join the OWIU and eventually succeeded. (21:15-25:36)... In 1942, Armen thought he'd joined the union; he signed a card, paid his initiation fee and waited for the union to ask for his dues, but it didn't. At that time, to join the OWIU, a new member had to go to the union hall, have his name read at a membership meeting, be accepted and "take an obligation" to the union. He finally did all this 6 months later in 1943. At E. B. Hall, he became secretary of a union committee that negotiated a new contract. During these negotiations, an OWIU international representative, who was there to help with the negotiations, observed that Armen had a talent in these matters and in 1944 offered him a job at OWIU. At that time, many other men who might have taken this job were in the military; his physical condition kept him from getting into the service so he continued working for the union. (25:36-31:08)... The OWIU local that he joined was Local 128 and it's union hall was on 6th Street just off Alamos in Long Beach. He worked for Local 128 from April 1944 until August 1945; then he worked for the international as a union representative until 1949 when he became director for District 1, which covered the western United States. He worked in this capacity for 10 years until 1960 when he became assistant to the president of the international. He recalls this time period because his position paralleled the presidency of John F. Kennedy. Then he returned to Long Beach in 1963 to work as a union representative until 1971 when he became director once again and stayed in this job until he retired in 1979. End of tape *** File: lhowcarmin2.mp3 (0:00-8:03)... Tape begins abruptly During WWII, OWIU took the position that government policies limiting unions' freedom to strike was unconstitutional. Before WWII, oil workers worked 36 hours a week but during the war, they volunteered to work longer hours to help with war production. Negotiations between employers and employees over these issues were unsuccessful and workers went on strike. At that point, President Harry S Truman ordered the Navy to seize of the union and force a new contract. This settlement resulted in an 18 percent wage increase for workers. (8:03-14:59)... Following W.W.II, union members at General Chemical, a company that furnished acid for the Standard Oil Refinery in Richmond, California, went on strike asking for a wage increase. General Chemical wanted workers to sign a new contract without knowing the amount of the raise they would get. The workers refused to accept, walked out and the plant was closed. The strike lasted for 9 months and General Chemical sued union representatives and the strike committee members. Although Armen himself was being sued for $100,000, he was more worried about possibly going to jail; strike committee members were very nervous about this as well. One Mexican American member kept the picket line from being crossed by picketing while carrying an American flag and wearing his military uniform with many decorations. In Armin's opinion, this situation shows the injustices of the legal system towards members of the working class. (14:59-22:52)... Although the strike against General Chemical was settled, the law suit against the union, Armen and the strike committee wasn't. They were all represented by the union's general counsel, Lindsey Walton. Armen had never been in a court room before he went with Walton to answer the charges and he felt intimidated by the whole spectacle. The case was postponed several times as attorneys for each side were sick. In the end, however, the case just died and was never litigated. It was these kinds of things that led Armin's parents to fear for his safety as a union activist. He still believes that it is necessary for workers to organize and coordinate their efforts for better working conditions and wages. (22:52-26:27)... There is some background noise in this segment when a clock chimes. After the strike against General Chemical, things went along pretty smoothly although there were strike threats that required last minute settlements. At that time O. A. "Jack" Knight was president of the OWIU. He was first elected in 1940 and served until 1965; Armen thought he was a brilliant person who knew how to use the tools of union organizing. He breathed new life into the union enabling it to become a self-sufficient organization. As the oil industry grew in California, some members of OWIU locals began to resent the last minute settlements that left them short of their goals and they worried that the president was too weak or lacked the militancy needed to achieve those goals. That's what led to the 1948 strike in California. (26:27-31:04)... In 1947, contract negotiations with The Texas Company (Texaco) led to a 5 cents an hour wage increase for oil workers on the west coast where they historically received approximately 5 cents less than the industry standard. California oil workers accused the companies of "paying that other 5 cents in California sunshine." In 1948, the union initiated its first national bargaining program; contracts across the country didn't have a common expiration date and this presented a challenge. Workers asked for 25 cents an hour raise and companies offered 12.5 cents. Contracts for workers in the east expired before contracts for western workers and eastern workers settled for a 17.5 cents an hour raise. Oil companies on the west coast, however, offered workers a 12.5 cents per hour raise, which, along with the earlier 5 cents an hour, meant their raise was the same as workers in the rest of the United States, but their wages were again 5 cents an hour lower. West coast local leaders met and decided not to accept what the employers offered despite the international union's support for it. Many local leaders believed they were capable of taking control of the contract negotiations. At the time, west coast union membership was approximately 21,000. End of tape *** File: lhowcarmin3.mp3 (0:00-10:36)... Brief introduction During contract negotiations in 1948, oil workers in west coast locals went on strike for higher wages. The workers wanted an increase of 30 cents a hour and the employers offered 12.5 cents. Armen attempted to persuade the workers to settle the strike because he believed he could negotiate a wage increase of 17.5 cents per hour. The workers refused and stayed on strike; many had saved money and could afford to continue the strike. The strike began to lose support when the employers began firing some workers and and filing suits against others. The oil industry's use of the Taft-Hartley Act also undermined the workers' efforts. When some employers began to hire replacement workers, others hired outside contractors to do what had been union jobs. At the Union Oil refinery, the company began to hire outside contractors who employed AFL rather than CIO union members. The strike was ultimately settled, but many craftsmen didn't get their old jobs back. Some went to work for contractors but lost their seniority; others went back to work as laborers and janitors. (10:36-17:32)... The 1948 strike illustrates the necessity of understanding the issues surrounding labor disputes before a strike is called. Union members need to be prepared, to make sure the issues are clear, the members support the union's position, and the issues are things that can be settled. The issues have to be practical and not just philosophical ones. And the union has to be in a position seriously to cripple the employers' operation; this is especially important in continuous process industries where machines do much of the work. Automation and mechanization allow companies to be less dependent on workers, which gives employers more power in labor disputes. The oil industry continues to become more automated. The only power a union has in a strike is the employers' need for hands on the job. Labor laws, such as the Taft-Hartley Act, protect the employers and make the risks of union activity to individual workers very high. (17:32-24:16)... Armin believes that it is no longer an effective strategy for unions to prove their strength by fighting companies in an attempt to control wages and prices. Following WWII, it became increasingly difficult for unions to control the employers' decisions to establish wages and fix prices. The labor movement's earlier successes occurred because the oil industry was one of the richest in the world and many companies negotiated union contracts to avoid the embarrassment and hassle of labor disputes. But by the time of the interview, negotiating contracts had become tougher. Too many union members voted for people like Ronald Reagan who promised to lower taxes. But government needs more money to invest in infrastructure and create jobs. Those jobs will provide workers with the money to purchase consumer goods and pay the income taxes needed to keep the economy viable. (24:16-30:51)... For example, look at railroads in the US. Trains in Europe run efficiently over smooth roadbeds and charge reasonable prices. US railroads are inefficient. The railroads ought to be run like a public utility. The government could provide jobs for workers, improve the system and the US could have a first class transportation system. End of tape *** File: lhowcarmin4.mp3 (0:00-4:11)... Sound does not begin until 0:16 If the railroads were run as a public utility they would return the investment twice over and create a national asset. People in the US used to laugh at Russia and its investments in development in Five Year Plans. But now they have a developed country. Armin does not know if socialism will ultimately prevail in the American economic system, but believes that efforts need to be made to stimulate the economy through increased production. US can't only focus on extracting great profits. Unions must become involved in discussing these issues. (4:11-10:57)... As a result of the 1948 strike, membership in the west coast district of the OWIU fell from 22,000 to 10,000 members, 9,000 of whom paid dues. There were few union shop contracts in the district. Most were only "maintenance of membership" contracts. In an effort to rebuild membership, the OWIU west coast district organized the "California Organizing Caravan." As part of the caravan, he traveled around the state with active union members and visited former members in their homes or where they worked. The membership from that time to the time of the interview remained at approximately 16,000. The west coast district once had 85 contracts covering 24,000 workers, but many oil companies reduced the number of workers needed to operate their plants by half. (10:57-15:58)... Between 1952-55, the OWIU grew to about 90,000 members, 85,000 of whom actually paid dues. Several attempts were made to merge with other unions in the oil and chemical industry. There were also campaigns to incorporate independent unions in the midwest, south and on the east coast, many of which had begun as "company unions." Many of these independent unions had a strong sense of pride and a historical mistrust of the CIO. In 1952, when OWIU held its annual convention in Philadelphia, representatives of its 90,000 members met with representatives of independent unions which represented another 50,000 to 60,000 members. The representatives adopted a new constitution. It was then up to the independent unions to get approval from their members. (15:58-22:27)... As a special union representative, he traveled throughout the US and met with representatives of independent unions. Some negations were successful and some were not. Some former company unions expected "pay offs" to lead their members into affiliating with the oil workers. Others joined the oil workers because they'd never been organized by a legitimate international union. (22:27-28:04)... CIO created the United Gas, Coke, and Chemical Workers Union as a sort of catch-all for unorganized workers including cigar makers, grave diggers, chemical workers and others. At the union's 1955 convention in Cleveland, Ohio the unions merged and adopted the name, Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union (OCAW). The merger created administrative problems because the Gas, Coke, and Chemical Workers never became economically self-sufficient, had developed a top heavy administration and remained dependent on the CIO. As a result, a new structure was created, so no officials of either union would lose their jobs; any other arrangement would have prevented the merger from succeeding. By 1959, it was possible to streamline this structure and make it more efficient. (28:04-31:16)... Jack Knight believed that Armin was involved in attempts to oppose his presidency and asked Armin to step down as his assistant. Armin returned to California and worked as a union representative. Knight apologized to Armin a short time later for the accusations. In 1965, a power struggle occurred in the OCAW when Knight decided not to run for reelection as international president. That year, the secretary-treasurer ran on a ticket with other union representatives, whom Armin did not support. End of tape. Tape ends at 31:00, but continues without sound until 31:16 *** File: lhowcarmin5.mp3 (0:00-3:20)... The union's former secretary-treasurer was elected international president after a contentious election campaign. Not all of the members and officers supported him. Some of those who hadn't supported him asked Armin to remind the new president that he would have to earn the support of his officers and that the union was run by its members, not by a "supreme ruler." His relationship with the new president, who served from 1965 to 1978, was not strained after this incident and the two became close friends. When the new president retired, he left the union in good standing. Armin believes that he was a successful president, who consolidated the union and set the stage for a merger with other unions. (3:20-10:28)... OCAW is a difficult union for other unions to merge with because of its pride in its history. Oil workers first organized before 1920 and received a charter from the AFL which seldom issued charters to industrial unions. For the most part, the AFL ignored oil workers and other unskilled workers. AFL unions tried to steal craftsmen from the oil workers union and integrate them into their craft unions. Later a small group of unions in the AFL formed the Committee for Industrial Organization to organize industrial workers. When the AFL forced the Committee for Industrial Organization out, they changed their name to the Congress of Industrial Organizations. The leaders of the oil workers union were among the leaders of the CIO. (10:28-13:39)... Local 128 of the oil workers union was formed in 1922 following the discovery of oil in Signal Hill and it had a charter from the AFL. Jim Coulter came from the Huntington Beach local to organize Local 128 in Long Beach. He became the first secretary-treasurer and for 18 years he built the local until it was a self-sufficient organization. Other leaders of local 128 included Jim Coulter's brother John Coulter, Fred Phillips and Howard Geiger. (13:39-22:25)... Local 128 paid dues to the AFL and was one of the most influential members of the Long Beach Central Labor Council. Since its inception, leaders of local 128 have been influential in Long Beach. Before the 1948 strike it had more than 9,000 members. At the time of the interview, it probably had only 5,000 but is the second or third largest in the International Union. Many International leaders got their initial union training in local 128. (22:25-31:22)... Carl Fletcher was the editor of a local labor newspaper and a member of the Long Beach Central Labor Council. He also served on the Long Beach City Council and Armin considered him a good labor statesman. The building trades in Long Beach were well organized. Long Beach was not such an anti-union town as Los Angeles. Long Beach's newspapers were not as anti-union as the Los Angeles Times. Long Beach union leaders organized a boycott of restaurants and other businesses that employed non-union workers End of tape. The interview ends at 30:47 The tape continues without sound until 31:22 *** File: lhowcarmin6.mp3 (0:00-2:20)... There is an interruption in the flow of the interview when Armin converses with his sister. Long Beach's local labor newspaper disappeared when the AFL and CIO merged in the 1960s. Many of the labor councils were replaced by countywide labor organizations. The AFL-CIO merger was not immediately accepted in Long Beach because of strong differences in philosophy and leadership between AFL and CIO unions. (2:20-5:06)... Armin was never involved in the Long Beach Central Labor Council because local 128 was already affiliated with the CIO when Armin joined. He heard stories, however, of some union locals which had offices in the Long Beach Labor Temple. Other locals had their own buildings. (5:06-8:48)... Clyde Doyle was a local attorney and Democratic politician in the Long Beach area. Many members of local 128 supported his campaign for Congress. Since Doyle's time, Democrats haven't had much success in Long Beach elections. (8:48-13:38)... Joe Kennick, was another Democratic politician who had the support of local 128; he helped Long Beach Mayor Burton Chase break ground for the union's building on Willow. Armin believes that most union members are not equipped to run for public office; those who are are the exception. (13:38-18:32)... Harvey Freming, a former international president of the OWIU came to Long Beach from local 120 in Ventura and became active here before Armin's time. Armin collected materials from the union's history including issues of the California Oil Worker, the first paper published by the oil workers in California. He sent the copies he had to the oil workers archive at the University of Colorado in Boulder. (18:32-26:25)... Organizers started by trying to organize a union among oil well drilling crew members, but they were difficult to organize because they didn't always work in the same place or with the same crew members. Organizers were more effective in getting refinery workers to join the union. From the union's point of view, not only did refinery workers work in the same place everyday, they were also closer to the "cash register," If they went on strike, it had a more immediate effect on the oil companies' ability to produce the products they sell. So they had more negotiating leverage. (26:25-29:33)... Unions also worked to organize crews who worked on pipelines. But like other aspects of the oil industry, more and more of the work those crews used to do is being automated. So it's more difficult for union members to exercise any leverage against their employers in this situation. End of tape. Tape ends at 29:22, but continues without sound until 29:33
- SUBJECT BIO - Charles Armin was a retired official of the oil workers union, who helped guide the union as it consolidated its national organization and expanded its membership through mergers and struggled to deal with increasing automation in oil production, refining and transportation. Armin started working for the union during World War II when other leaders went into the service and his health prevented him from enlisting. In this single three hour interview, Armin talks about growing up in rural South Dakota where small businessmen like his dad opposed labor unions. During the Depression, however, his family came to California seeking better educational opportunities. After college. he took a job as a teacher, but found he could earn much more working in an oil company office. There he joined the union and later became a union official. He advised locals that were bargaining and, sometimes striking for higher wages and better working conditions. He also negotiated with unaffiliated unions and encouraged them to join the international union; then he participated in restructuring the international union to incorporate new members. Armin was clearly accustomed to talking about the history of the union and his experiences as part of it. Before this interview, he talked about them in the course of recruiting new union members and potential union officials. Despite that, he continually refers to the union as Oil Chemical and Atomic Workers Union (OCAWU) even when he's talking about its predecessor, the Oil Workers International Union (OWIU). The interview was part of a larger project to study the impact of the discovery of oil on the development of Long Beach. TOPICS - family background; joining the union; working for OWIU; and helping workers negotiate and carry out a strike;problems faced by oil workers in California during WWII; and a strike against General Chemical that led to a law suit against Armin and workers on the strike committee;union negotiations with oil companies that led to the 1948 strike; and problems oil workers face as oil companies automate oil refining;consequences of the 1948 strike; and attempts to incorporate independent unions into OWIU/OCAW;OCAW election of a new president; history of local 128; and history of oil workers unions in southern California;history of local 128; its influence on Long Beach politics; and organizing among oil workers in different phases of the petroleum industry;
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