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Castro, Anita (audio interview #4 of 6)
INTERVIEW DESCRIPTION - This fourth interview with Anita Castro, like the earlier ones, was recorded in her home. She seemed more focused and clear in this interview. In the last half of the interview, she became very emotional while discussing being denied candidacy as a delegate to the final convention before her retirement. TOPICS - the factionalism in ILGWU; Needle Trades Industrial Union; role of communists in the unions; her early work as an organizer in Local 96; formation of Local 266; her role as a spokesperson for the Spanish speaking workers; organizing Chick Lingerie; Rose Pesotta; and Jennie Matyas;Chick Lingerie strike; organizing Cuban workers; violence on the picket line; organizing tactics; roles she played as a business agent; and the organization and structure of the ILGWU Locals;role as business agent; gender and wage discrimination in ILGWU; and internal union politics; [She becomes very emotional in discussing some of her experiences within the union;)internal union politics and being denied candidacy to the final labor convention before her retirement; changes in the union and the workers in the shops; and her retirement; 5/11/1976
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- SUBJECT BIO - Anita Muretta Andrade Castro became one of the first Spanish speaking women organizers in the ILGWU in Los Angeles. She became active in the union during the drive leading up to the industry-wide general strike of 1934, and was named to the Executive Board (under the name Anita Andrade). She remained active in the union as an organizer and a business agent, working particularly closely with the Spanish-speaking workers, until her retirement in 1972. Although she was actually born in Yugoslavia (the Austro-Hungarian empire), Castro was raised in Argentina and spent most of her life in the US in the Mexican community. She married Mexican men following a teen-age marriage to a Croatian, and was viewed and accepted as a Latina by the workers in the industry. At the time of the interview, Castro had suffered several strokes and her health and memory deteriorated over the course of the interview series. She was interviewed as part of the Feminist History Research Project labor series. INTERVIEW DESCRIPTION - This fourth interview with Anita Castro, like the earlier ones, was recorded in her home. She seemed more focused and clear in this interview. In the last half of the interview, she became very emotional while discussing being denied candidacy as a delegate to the final convention before her retirement. TOPICS - the factionalism in ILGWU; Needle Trades Industrial Union; role of communists in the unions; her early work as an organizer in Local 96; formation of Local 266; her role as a spokesperson for the Spanish speaking workers; organizing Chick Lingerie; Rose Pesotta; and Jennie Matyas;Chick Lingerie strike; organizing Cuban workers; violence on the picket line; organizing tactics; roles she played as a business agent; and the organization and structure of the ILGWU Locals;role as business agent; gender and wage discrimination in ILGWU; and internal union politics; [She becomes very emotional in discussing some of her experiences within the union;)internal union politics and being denied candidacy to the final labor convention before her retirement; changes in the union and the workers in the shops; and her retirement;
- File: lhgwacastro8.mp3 Audio Segments and Topics: (0:00-3:35)... Castro believes that the communists in the union were very disruptive; however, they did not bother her. When they attended union meetings they questioned policies and proposed ideas to union officials. She believes that their presence was helpful because many people just went along with what the union bosses told them; the communists were not afraid to question the officials, which served as a internal check on union activities. After she left the union at her husband's request, she went to work for a non-union shop, during which time her union dues became delinquent and the union wanted to take her off this job. However, she complained about this to the proper union officials and the matter was cleared. Shortly after this, she went back to work for the union. (3:35-5:51)... When she initially decided to join the labor movement, there were two unions seeking membership: The Needle Trades Industrial Union (NTIU), which was being organized by Virginia Flores, and the ILGWU Dressmakers local, which was being organized by Bill Busic. Because she was unaware of the differences between the two unions, she almost joined the NTIU Legal Trade Industrial Union. She probably would not have lasted with them, however, since she thinks that they were a disruptive group. (5:51-10:20)... When Levy was vice president of the union he had conflicts with Rose Pesotta. Castro also recalls when Levy fired Sue Adams in front of the Local. These internal conflicts affected the workers negatively. Many of them disliked Levy because they believed he was doing an inadequate job. However, there were other groups within the union that liked him, including Castro. She discusses the various Locals that were formed in the union and their membership base. (10:20-11:20)... Her work as an organizer began in Local 96. Some time in 1940-41, there was a general strike, and when Local 266 was formed, she transferred to it. Note: there is a brief series of skips that makes it difficult to understand her. (11:20-14:13)... The general strike was in both the sportswear and dressmaking industries. The dressmakers were part of Local 96 and the sportswear industry was organized into Local 266 after the general strike. The Dress Makers Local provided better benefits to their workers: better pay, working hours, and longer lunch breaks. In contrast, the sportswear industry work was viewed as a lower level craft and the workers worked longer hours. During the general strike, Jenny Matyas and Rose Pesotta had their own group of workers. Castro assisted both women in organizing the workers during the strike. Afterwards, she transferred her membership to Local 266. (14:13-16:55)... When Local 96 was formed, she was on the Executive Board of the local. However, once she became a full-time organizer, she was taken off the board. When she began her work as an organizer, she was the head of the Spanish-speaking branch in the local. Initially, many of the Mexicans resented this because she was not Mexican. (16:55-17:36)... Although, the Mexicans were unsuccessful in forming a separate local, they held separate meetings to discuss union issues. One of her responsibilities as an organizer was to address their issues at the general union meetings. However, she did not organize with Local 96 for too long because she transferred to Local 266. (17:36-24:07)... The previous Spanish-speaking organizer was Rafael Trujillo, who was also a radio announcer. When he was fired, she was hired as the organizer for the Mexican people, which was another reason why the Mexicans initially resented her. Trujillo was a good speaker, and although he never worked in a shop, he knew how to organize the Mexican people. He eventually formed a separate Mexican group outside the union and she assisted him in his initial plans to form La Casa de las Mexicanas (the house of the Mexicans). She was later informed by union officials that Trujillo used the Mexican people for his own gain. (24:07-27:08)... Before Trujillo was fired from his union organizing position, Castro assisted him. At the time he was getting paid $60 a week, while she was getting only $25. When he was ultimately fired, she took his place as the Spanish-speaking organizer of the local. She was the first female organizer in the union. The union later hired Mary Donovan and Sue Adams. (27:08-31:18)... Although she was the first female organizer in the union, the other union officials treated her very well. At the time, she did not speak English well and had a difficult time communicating with other union officers. She did attend evening classes to learn English and the union also sponsored several classes for union organizers. She admired Jenny Matyas, who was an excellent speaker. Matyas later worked as a vice president of a union. She didn't work in that capacity for very long, and eventually returned to the shops to work. (31:18-33:44)... As an organizer, she attempted to organize industries outside of her local, such as the cloak makers, waitresses, and some blue collar workers because she believed that all industries should be unionized. She does not associate her union beliefs with anarchist ideals. (33:44-36:47)... She often worked with union organizers from other Locals. If she happened to organize a group of Cloak Makers, they remained in the Cloak Makers Local. In the early union years, the locals had a very good relationship and union officials worked together to organize the workers. (36:47-39:51)... She attempted to organize Chick Lingerie in the 1930s during her early involvement with the union. At the time, she was working part-time for the union and part-time in the shops. When the workers in this shop went on strike, both Castro and Pesotta picketed with the workers and were both beaten by the scabs and the police, and were even arrested on the same day. Pesotta was a very diligent organizer and loyal to the workers. Unlike other organizers and business agents who disassociated themselves with the workers once they got their positions, both Castro and Pesotta remained connected to the people during their union activities. (39:51-42:53)... Although she had the largest majority of women who signed up for unionization, both attempts to unionization Chick Lingerie were unsuccessful. The strikes that took place against this shop were very difficult on both the workers and the union organizers. File: lhgwacastro9.mp3 (0:00-1:14)... Chick Lingerie employed several Cuban workers, a majority of who signed up to support the union. However, at the time of the strike, only one woman showed at the picket line. She believes the Cubans were persuaded by their employer not to join the union. In addition, it is possible that some workers erroneously connected her with Fidel Castro, who, she asserts, came to power because of his involvement with unions in Cuba. (1:14-3:14)... During the strike at Chick Lingerie, a Cuban scab struck her with his vehicle. Apparently, this man was a member of the union, but was transporting his wife and other women into the shop across the picket lines. Castro and the other picketers harassed him on a daily basis, until he snapped one day and charged her with his vehicle. (3:14-7:33)... The discussion of the incident in which she was hit by a car during the strike against Chick Lingerie continues. Although Castro attempted to move out of the way, the Cuban's vehicle hit her knee, causing her to fall and twist her ankle. Castro fell against a pregnant woman, whose picket sign almost pierced her pregnant belly. When the man attempted to drive away, the other picketers stood in front of his car, at which time several women, including Castro, damaged his car and beat him. This man was arrested, but the police later released him. (7:33-9:42)... The discussion of the incident in which she was hit by a car during the Chick Lingerie strike continues. Following this incident, she was under a doctor's care for approximately a year. She filed suit against this Cuban man and was represented by a union attorney. She ultimately sought other representation and won $500and the Cuban's license and insurance was canceled. During this time, she suffered a heart attack and was unable to go to the hearing. (9:42-11:34)... When the strike at Chick Lingerie ended, the picketers went back to work and were physically beaten by the strike breakers that were still working at the shop. The employer did not stop the violence and several women were seriously injured. As a result of their injuries, some women filed worker's compensation claims with the union. The union attempted to negotiate a contract with the shop for several months, but in the end lost the shop. (11:34-14:58)... Although a majority of the Cubans that worked at Chick Lingerie signed cards to support the union, they refused to participate in the strike. Castro believes that the Italian floor woman of the shop was instrumental in convincing the workers not to unionize. The ensuing strike was very violent on both sides of the picket line. After the union lost the shop the first time, attempts to organize it again were made a couple years later. The majority of the shop signed up for union and won the second election held. The shop comprised approximately 380 people and the union was also successful in organizing its sister shop in Los Angeles, which had approximately 140 workers. (14:26-17:57)... On the whole, there were very few shops that the union was not successful in organizing. It was very frustrating for the union when they had the majority of workers in a shop and an election was held, but the employers would use tactics to inhibit unionization. For example, an employer once paid a woman on an organizing committee $5,000 when she informed him of union activities. In addition, employers often ignored laws that forbade posting anti-union propaganda. Employers also told workers that the union's only goal was to obtain union dues and the initiation fee for organizing the shop; however, the union never charged an initiation fee when a shop came into the union. (17:57-19:03)... In the case of organizing Cuban workers at Chick Lingerie, Castro believes they backed out at the last minute because of the tactics employers used to scare them. For instance, it is possible employers told the Cubans that Castro was related to Fidel Castro, which scared them away from the union. (19:03-22:09)... Initially, she was told that priests usually advised workers to listen to their employers. She believes the union sent a committee to talk to the cardinal of the Catholic Church, at which time he denied that priests told workers to oppose the union. In the 1960s and 1970s, priests often visited people at home and held meetings, where they told workers they had a right to organize. The Mormon Church advocated unions for their members, but forbade them to pay union dues. Instead, the union dues were paid to the church. (22:09-23:08)... Her labor union committments did not leave her with time to participate in community groups. She did attend some NAACP meetings because the NAACP assisted the union in organizing workers. (23:08-24:35)... Another role she played at the union was similar to a social worker. She often counseled workers when they came to her with problems. She recalls that people referred to her as the "crying towel" because people often came to her with their personal problems. This role increased when she became business agent and because she was the only Spanish-speaking agent at the time; other Locals often sent Latina workers to her when they had problems. Note: there are several skips in the tape making it difficult to understand. (24:35-26:00)... There were several educational and craft programs at the union. While Castro was with the union, Aileen Hernandes and then Evelyn Monroe acted as the educational directors of the program. Occasionally, Castro taught courses when teachers were not available, but her main interest in the union was working with workers. (26:00-29:00)... In general, Mexican women who were married were difficult to organize because when their workday ended, they rushed home to care for their home and families. In order to organize these women, Castro went to their homes and talked to their husbands about the union. She always kept her eyes open for single women with organizing potential. She recalls that Harry Scott often told her to recruit good organizers to replace them when they retired. Initially, the union only hired workers who were members of the union and had a union book. However, the union now hires people straight out of college or off the street and they do not have any knowledge of union activities. She learned all of her organizing techniques from other organizers, not from college. Often times, her organizing strategy depended on the situation or the person to whom she was talking. (29:00-31:18)... The organizers developed a strategy in which two people worked together during organizing visits. This way, one organizer could work on the wife, while the other worked on the husband, leaving very little room for disagreement between the couple. She did not have a preference of who went with her during these visits. People from the Executive Board and workers active in the union went with her. With married Mexican women, her task was convincing the husbands to permit their wives to join the union. However, once they joined, these women did not participate in union activities or meetings, but simply paid their union dues. It was very difficult to recruit these women to the picket lines because they had family commitments. Note: there are several skips in the tape. (31:18-33:29)... During WWII, the union went through a stagnant period, during which organizing efforts decreased. She did try to organize a shop in Ventura, which switched from making garments to making parachutes for the war effort. This shop was never organized because it either fell under a different Local, or the union was prohibited from organizing the shop because the workers were manufacturing war materials. She did not compartmentalize her union roles, but held responsibilities as both an organizer and a business agent. In contrast, some union employees refused to perform duties outside their paid position. (33:29-36:04)... As an organizer and business agent for the union, she was friendly with all of the union officials and the workers. On a social level, she mostly socialized with union employees that worked in the office. In the beginning, the atmosphere in the union was very friendly and familial. However, in later years, people began to keep to themselves, which was probably a result of management philosophies. For instance, some union officials, such as Vice President Cornelius Wall, did not like parties or social gatherings in the union office. (36:04-40:48)... During the general strike in 1941, she assisted both Pesotta and Matyas with organizing and managing the workers. Generally, she traveled throughout the city completing the tasks they assigned to her. Organizers and business agents could not enter a nonunion shop unless they posed as workers. If the shop was a union shop, union officials could go there anytime to converse with the workers and evaluate their conditions. Before the Dress Makers and Sportswear Locals split, they were known as the Joint Council. After the strike, the Dress Makers, Cloak Makers, and Sportswear workers were divided into three different Locals, which were housed in separate facilities with separate union employees. Regardless of the position a worker held, if he or she worked in the sportswear industry they belonged to that Local. If a worker came to her with questions and she did not have any knowledge of their position, she had to go to the shop and learn about their position. (40:48-43:01)... When the general strike ended in 1941, she became an interim business agent until the election in 1942, at which time she was elected as the business agent for the Spanish-speaking workers. The Mode of Day shop was organized by Sue Adams. Castro attempted to organize the shop in San Bernardino for two months. The workers in this shop were originally organized into Local 384 and then they were transferred to Local 266, which at the time was known as the Joint Council and included several different industries. end of tape File: lhgwacastro10.mp3 (0:00-3:53)... Castro's duties as a business agent included organizing people in the union; making certain that contractual labor and wage conditions were being followed by the employers; and settling disputes both between the workers and the employer and between the workers and the union. Unlike other industries, the garment industry is a seasonal industry. There was a tacit agreement between the workers and the employer that workers were guaranteed their position when the new season began. However, some workers did not return because they found work elsewhere. The union placed a clause in the workers' contract that bound them to give their employers five days notice, but this rarely occurred. Most of the workers collected unemployment during off seasons. When the employer and the union could not agree on wages, prices, or other issues, they took the case to an impartial "chairman," who was financed jointly by the union and the employer. (3:53-6:39)... In each garment craft, there was a chairwoman who worked in the shop and made sure that workers were receiving their wages, vacation time, and other benefits. If she was unable to do this, she was not paid for her chair responsibilities and Castro came into the shop and made sure these things got done. A union meeting was held every month where new policies were explained to the workers. This was also an avenue for workers to express their complaints about the union or their employers. In later years, the union allowed candidates running for government positions to speak to the workers about their platforms. After the meetings, the workers had an opportunity to contribute to their campaign. (6:39-8:31)... She continues to describe her responsibilities to workers in the shops as a business agent. She often made visits to the shops and communicated with the workers. If there were new faces, she made sure they joined the union. Unless there was a crisis at the shop, the workers complaints were settled at union meetings. (8:31-11:33)... If the price committee within the shop could not agree on a price with the employer, Castro intervened and if a price was not reached at that point, the dispute was taken to the impartial chairman. However, she believes that this person was not always impartial and tended to side with the employers more often than with the workers. (11:33-16:37)... The shop bosses were not thrilled about Castro communicating with the workers in the shops, but she always found excuses to come and see the workers. She recalls the experiences she had with one bad-tempered employer, who later closed his shop after 24 years. The workers scattered into both union and nonunion shops and a lot of women lost their pensions because they did not return to union shops. Workers often did not collect their vacation checks at the union office. Although these checks were canceled after a year, the union was required to pay their vacation pay even if they returned to the union office ten years later. (16:37-22:54)... The only other woman business agent was May Hamilton, an African American woman who organized dressmakers. She became the business agent for the Dress Makers and Sportswear workers when the Joint Council was formed. At the time, Castro was working mainly with the sportswear workers. The women business agents were not receiving the same pay as the men. Castro was paid $75 a week and Hamilton was paid $70.00 because she came in after Castro. However, the male business agents were paid $75 a week in addition to other benefits associated with organizing workers. When Castro approached the union officials about this discrepancy, they told her that she was not organizing, but was only acting as a business agent. Castro describes her efforts to obtain equal pay as a business agent. (22:54-27:19)... During her battle for equal pay, she went to work for the Organization Department of the union, where organizers were getting paid an additional $15 per week for their vehicle expenses. She agreed to work in this department for one year on the condition that she could return to her business agent position at the end of the year. However, when she wanted to come back, she was told that Hamilton would be fired. This did not happen and the two women shared the shops within the Local. After returning to her position as business agent, she noticed that her checks were $15 short. She again pursued efforts to obtain equal pay, but after an appeal to the Joint Board and the officials in the New York union office, she lost this battle. At this point, she was near retirement and decided to pursue this issue with the Labor Board when she retired. (27:19-30:44)... When Wall became vice president of her Local, he called a general meeting with all of the Locals and announced that there wage discrepancies within the union. He singled Castro out, telling the other members that she was the lowest paid and oldest employee of the union. After this meeting, he increased her pay by $20 and told her she was finally getting what she deserved. Although many people disliked Wall, she held him high esteem because of this gesture. (30:44-32:08)... Wall developed tactics to rid the union of some of its less desirable members and to break up the cliques. For one thing, he established a policy requiring union members to retire at the age of sixty-five. She recalls that several people attempted to change their birth dates to avoid retirement. He also did not give uniform raises, which weeded some people out of the union who expected raises on a regular basis. (32:08-36:18)... Castro suggests that her gender and ethnicity played an important role in her not receiving equal pay. The union preached equality, but union officials decided who they wanted to grant raises. In addition, she often came across vouchers submitted by male organizers and business agents that were frivolous, or were for activities she also completed. For example, she discovered that a male business agent submitted a $5 voucher for visiting shops outside Los Angeles. When she submitted a voucher for the same thing, she was denied the money. The manager told her that the male business agent had a family and was entitled to more money. (36:18-38:43)... Initially, she carried twenty-two shops when she started working as a business agent. However, when she went to work for the Organizing Department for a year and then returned to her position as business agent, the number of shops she managed was dramatically decreased and did not include any Spanish-speaking shops. One of the reasons for this decrease was because the Local had one too many business agents - her or Hamilton. Hamilton worked for the union for approximately ten years, then became ill and attempted to go on permanent disability. However, she opened a cleaning business in the interim and was working for approximately eight months when she was supposed to be sick. When the union discovered this, she was fired. (38:43-41:42)... When Castro returned to her position as business agent, she believes that her shops were decreased because the union did not want her to have so much power within the union. She was very popular with the workers, particularly the Mexican workers, who made up the majority of the union membership. Every year her name was placed on the ballot, she was elected. The union created voting blocs and several people were put on the ballot with her because everyone knew that she would be elected by the majority. She disliked this system because it allowed several unpopular or unqualified business agents to be elected. (41:42-45:16)... If she was nominated to attend a labor convention, she always won the election. Before she retired, she resigned her position as a business agent on the condition that she would attend the next labor convention. However, she suggests that the union "cheated" her out of going to that convention by manipulating the nomination process. In a very emotional discussion, she recounts the events leading up to this incident. end of tape File: lhgwacastro11.mp3 (0:00-1:10)... Note: this discussion was very emotionally laden. When she confronted union officials about their failure to nominate her for the union's convention, she was told to take her grievance to the officials in New York. She believe that one of the men in her Local's leadership deliberately sabotaged her nomination. She resigned herself to the fact that even after her years with the union, it was not worth fighting union officials to go to the convention. Nevertheless, this incident deeply wounded her. (1:10-4:52)... She and her husband decided to take a vacation to Florida, which is where the labor convention was held. A union official provided her with a credential from one of the Locals that could not afford to send a delegate. Attending a convention was a bonus for organizers and business agents, as well as workers who were active in the union. (4:52-6:11)... When she was sixty-four years old, she became very ill and never returned to the union. Wall paid her wages for one year before her retirement at the age of sixty-five so that she could get her full pension. (6:11-9:37)... When she took leave of her business agent duties and went to work for the Organization Department, it was much more difficult to organize the workers because employers were paying better wages and offering similar benefits to their workers. In the beginning, the union impacted the industries because the wage and labor conditions were very poor and the workers were more attracted to the union. When employers improved the conditions for workers, the union lost favor, particularly when the employers told workers that the union just wanted money and was a bastion of wealth. (9:37-11:18)... Castro discusses the changes in the labor force in the course of her career. For instance, during her initial years, it was very easy for her to organize Black workers. But by the end of her career in the union, they were not interested in the union. Even those who joined, did not participate in union activities or meetings. In addition, the employer of one shop gave his workers raises whenever union organizers distributed leaflets among them. The workers took advantage of this system and whenever they wanted a raise, they simply called the union and asked that union organizers come to their shop. End of tape
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